Nazi Furs F*ck Off: Reclaiming online spaces in the age of political fandom

On: October 21, 2020
Print Friendly, PDF & Email
About Marcantonio Bracale Syrnikov

Tifa the Tiger. All credits to antifafurs.

Authors: Chris Murphy, Clémence Grandi, Matthew Marshall, Marcantonio Bracale Syrnikov

“The agitator does not confront his audience from the outside; he seems like someone arising from its midst to express its innermost thoughts”
Löwenthal and Guterman, Prophets of Deceit

“Metapolitics – the technique of altering culture to prepare the way for political change – is the primary strategy of the White Nationalist movement […] but to change the culture, we must become part of it”
Charlie Farnbars, Counter-Currents

This is a story about how the Furry Fandom resisted neo-Nazi hijacking and recruitment by mobilizing an anti-fascist connective action.

Meet the Furries

So, who are Furries? Simply put, Furries are members of a loose-knit online community often referred to as the ‘Furry Fandom’, whose fans are devoted to anthropomorphic animal characters[1]. The Fandom predate the advent of the internet, spawning from American comic book and science-fiction conventions in the late 1970s and early 1980s, but having since been ‘mainstreamed’ or rather, knowledge of their existence has entered mainstream consciousness through their transition to an online subculture. 

A completely normal Furcon group photo

Often perceived by the media as a social and sexually deviant subculture, studies have indicated that this is misleading[2]. Instead, Furries use personal, social and cultural resources to develop fursonas to explore identities that they normally would not or cannot express. In fact, many Furries see their fursonas as their real personality[3]. As the Furry community is decentralized, its members are a diverse group of fans, writers, artists, gamers and role-players[4]. These members run the gamut from consuming furry content to being creators of art, media and stories depicting anthropomorphic animals. Most, but not all, members of the fandom create for themselves the titular anthropomorphized animal character identity and use this as an avatar within the community, be it exclusively online, or in person with other Furries[5].

Chart from FurScience (2017)

It is important to outline the demographics of any group or subculture as this information will provide insight into the motivations, political leanings, or in the case of our research, the potential for radicalization towards extreme right-wing positions, especially the ‘alt-right’ and neo-Nazi ideologies.  The International Anthropomorphic Research Project (IARP) is a multidisciplinary team of scientists who study the furry fandom. They conducted over a five-year period extensive research identifying trends, demographics and key findings amongst the Furry Fandom[6].

Chart from FurScience (2019)

First and foremost, the furries are an overwhelmingly young group of people. Nearly 75% are under the age of 25[7]. The fandom is largely a White subculture. Approximately 15 to 20% of furries identified as an ethnic minority. One hypothesis for this is the origins of the Furry Fandom in the science-fiction community, which is also a traditionally White community[8]. When it comes to sex, the furry fandom is predominantly male, 72.4%[9]. It should be noted that while most furries are assigned male at birth, they tend to be very liberal when it comes to gender identity. 80% of Furries identify as part of the LGBTQIA+ community[10]. Consequently, furries are significantly more likely than members of other fandoms to identify themselves as transgender[11]. These key demographics, coupled with the inherent ‘mask culture’ associated with the Furry Fandom, lends itself to potential infiltration and radicalization by online alt-right or neo-Nazi operations. As Casey Hoerth, founder of AltFurry, an alt-right sub-community within the fandom that adheres to the White Supremacist agenda, puts it “nerd communities are a ripe harvesting ground for neo-Nazism[12]“. Overwhelmingly young, white and male, add to this the built in ‘otherness’ of being part of an identity bending/hiding subculture, seems to be ripe ground for fresh alt-right recruits, and it is.

A nazifur photo shared on Twitter by Andrew Anglin, the founder of the neo-Nazi Daily Stormer website. Dogpatch has shown how this frequently decontextualized image, taken in a small Canadian museum in 2009, widely circulated across the Altfurry network before reaching Anglin.

Mainstreaming the extreme

Far-right ideology and organizing, being excluded from the mainstream public sphere, retreated to the internet, patiently building the decentralized global network known as the fasciosphere[13]. Already in 1984, KKK leading member Louis Beam, who popularized the terrorist tactic of leaderless resistance, launched the first white supremacist bulletin board[14]. In the Inter-Klan Newsletter & Survival Alert he wrote: “imagine, if you can, a single computer to which all the leaders and strategist of the patriotic movement are connected […] Such computer is already in existence and operational. We hereby announce Aryan Nation Liberty Net[15]”. In 1995, American neo-Nazi Milton John Kleim published a note titled On Tactics and Strategy for USENET, where he wrote that: “USENET offers enormous opportunity for the Aryan Resistance to disseminate our message to the unaware and the ignorant […] our message must be disseminated beyond “our” groups […] We MUST move out beyond our present domain, and take up positions on ‘mainstream’ groups […] when a newbie posts a message sympathetic to us, CONTACT THEM IMMEDIATELY! Tailor your messages for each group. Our ideology has myriad facets, and the well-informed activist can extract something to fit onto just about every group[16]”. The foundations were there, reaching the mainstream was the problem, because social media and algorithmic rabbit holes were the missing piece of the puzzle.

Furry anti-fascist activist Deo showing clear parallels between the White Supremacist Charlottesville Unite the Right rally and Furry Raiders rhetoric.

The internet has captured and reinvented strategies of pre-web right-wing activism through the affordance of anonymity offered by imageboards such as the *chans, adopting the youths’ Internet culture and codes to spread successfully. Nagle writes that it was the “image- and humor-based culture of the irreverent meme factory of 4chan and later 8chan that gave the alt-right its youthful energy, with its transgression and hacker tactics[17]. In fact, the alt-right is “particularly effective in using its creative labor to build participatory spaces in which users transgress norms of political correctness[18]”, remixing and spinning pop-cultural material with elements of neo-Nazi propaganda. The alt-right’s attempt to mainstream the extreme through the clever use of the internet memetic codes and vernaculars has resulted in the successful recruitment of new members. This problematic strain of connective action became known as meme warfare. Comparing the principles of this post-digital strategy with Old Internet neo-Nazi handbooks, we can find striking parallels. For example in the 4chan-born Advanced Meme Warfare guide we read that its core steps are: “Step 1: Research. Step 2: Content Creation. Step 3: Outreach[19]”. The weaponization of recommendation algorithms with inflammatory and viral content determined the formation of anonymous and pseudonymous groups where “extremist ideology became self-reinforcing[20]. This is the socio-technical process behind the “algorithmic rise of the alt-right[21]” and the consequent normiefication of extreme speech[22].

Once captured in the radicalization pipeline[23], users escalated in their commitment, sometimes turning to recruitment. In fact, a “key strategy in white supremacist recruitment are online communities that warmly welcome in new members” writes fandom member Deo, who spent six months undercover in Altfurry Discord Servers, “neo-Nazi groups know utilizing the insecurity and loneliness in their targets is an effective recruiting and radicalizing tactic especially when tailored to the large audience of socially awkward internet nerds[24]”. In joining the Fandom, “belongingness is the prime motivator[25]”; similarly, linguistic analysis of neo-Nazi group language reveals the frequent usage of words like join, group and family[26]”. The majority of furry interactions are online, and its content is almost entirely user-generated[27], thus the Fandom was especially vulnerable when neo-Nazi operations started. If “everything can be nazified[28]”, everything can be furrified too, and both the alt-right and the Fandom are decentralized communities that engage in dissimulative identity play. In this sense, the appearance of the Nazi-Furries can be seen as the twisted progeniture of two distinct Internet subcultures, standing between irony and reality and, how Altfurry Ququ sums it “you can’t easily tell how many layers of irony we are on[29]. But trolls are always sincere, because “the marking of digital irony and its decoding both rely on group boundaries and play a central role in their delineation[30]”.

Atomwaffen Division members discussing the prominent furry website Furaffinity in an IRC chat obtained in the course of an FBI investigation. The online handle Saevyl is believed to belong to an Altfurry member.

Storming consciousness, crushing empathy

Mere exposure and gradual familiarization is often enough to radicalize. As neo-Nazi Richard Spencer declared in an interview, once exposed to neo-Nazi content, people “actually read this stuff so that they could troll people […] that was their entrance to it but after reading it they were actually convinced by it[31]”. Mask culture is being utilized to hide the “serious political purposes of spreading hateful ideology and pass off such instances of harassment as “just trolling[32]. The alt-right have stormed mainstream consciousness by “weaponizing irony, and by using humour and ambiguity as tactics to wrong-foot their opponents”[33]. The” casual abuse of Twitter, the consumption of memes at the expense of their subjects and the ‘ironic’ use of hate speech make the internet a giant machine for crushing empathy”[34]. The utilization of ‘fetishistic laughter’ [35], ironic racism, and trolling, have normalized the behavior and ideas of white supremacists, launching them into the mainstream of internet culture.

Unmasking racist mask cultures.
Poster created by fandom member @rattusdingus for @DeoTasDevil article on White Nationalism within the community.

This was first prevalent within the mask culture adopted by the Ku Klux Klan, who “adopted a deliberately ridiculous name, and claimed that they came from the moon[36]“. As Hess and O’Neill put it, “white supremacists used to hide their faces under hoods. But today’s internet-savvy racists cloak their ideology in irony, provocation, and trolling[37]”. In fact, “trolling is a central tactic of the alt-right[38]”, essential to its metapolitical attempt to influence culture and shift boundaries of acceptable debate as preconditions of political change. Extreme right-wings groups have utilized these affordances to hide their “power level[39]“, making their crypto-fascism creep into the mainstream with plausible deniability.

Despite the internet having a default “white racial frame[40]”, neo-Nazi operations intensified “processes of legitimization of racialized pride, construing whiteness as a state of marginalization and oppression[41]”, creating a “deeply detached, deeply ironic rhetorical style that created space for white supremacist violence to flourish” through the weaponization of mask culture[42]. Following this thread can lead us to very dark places.

Nazification and Furrification: collisions and collusions

The most prominent nazi-Fur groups are the Furry Raiders and the Altfurries. The youngest person to be convicted of planning a terrorist attack is a British 16-year-old white male[43]. He joined a neo-Nazi terrorist organization called Feuerkrieg Division (FKD), a split group of the Atomwaffen Division (AWD), whose leader was a 13-years-old Lithuanian teenager called Commander[44], reflecting the teenage-dominated nature of contemporary far-right activism’s age-structure. Atomwaffen’s white supremacist agenda is to accelerate societal collapse by lone-wolf acts of terror, striking the supply-chain and vital infrastructure[45], thus accelerating the so-called race war.

An Iron March propaganda poster, detailing the global fascist network. Atomwaffen, Golden Dawn, Azov Battalion and Casapound are part of this transnational alliance. Notice the create your own UI affordance.

This organization has been linked to 5 murders[46]. It has also been linked with Altfurry organizations[47], and further connected to the Midwest Furfest chlorine attack, that left 19 people hospitalized[48]. As Altfurry founder Casey Hoerth claimed when referring to white supremacist propaganda circulating their group during leaked Discord voice-chat, “we have a culture war […] we are each other’s platform, we signalboost each other, we are not here to troll but to create culture, we have to exploit larger cultural forces like 4chan and 8chan[49]”. While Alfurries are explicitly neo-Nazi, the Furry Raiders pose as free-speech activists, wearing an armband with a “pawstika”, symbolizing “Furry Pride” and normalizing Nazi aesthetics and White Pride dog-whistles in the Fandom. In fact, its founder publicly declared the joining of a neo-Nazi organization.

An idolatrizing furrification of Chistchurch shooter Brenton Tarrant, complete with the Schwarze Sonne neo-Nazi symbol. Posted on Furaffinity.

Despite this, it operates as a first step of the radicalization pathway, celebrating furry pride with Nazi paraphernalia, and encouraging naive members to join the more radical Alfurry organization and its ecosystem of inspirational terrorism, amplifying intent and conducing to lone-wolf terror initiatives. This cycle of spiraling radicalization came to full circle in July 25 2020, when a Latino activist was killed during a BLM protest, and his killer was a neo-Nazi white male active in the furry community that regularly engaged with Nazi content “ironically[50]”. Shortly after the attack, and before being removed for terms of use violation, his profile on furry fan-art platform Furaffinity was flooded with admiration and approval. How to block this radicalization pathway?

Furry Raiders’ leader Foxlet Nightfire discussing how he was contacted by a neo-Nazi organisation after ‘showing loyalty to the cause’ in his online behavior. Being multiracial, he was rejected. Nevertheless, his ecosystem was to conducive to more extreme ones.

Making kin in the furrycene

Furry fandom is a “queer fandom that queers fandom[51]”. Its inherently intersectional approach to queer anti-fascist struggle[52] is based on two facts. First, the Fandom centers around original content-creation, and its independence from registered IPs frees its political proactivity from corporate profit-centered decision-making. Furries don’t celebrate brands, but their own self-produced content, they are “fans of each other[53]”. This autonomy makes them formidable opponents when an army of prosumers like the alt-right, attacks to disrupt, radicalize and recruit. Second, being a furry means to “undermine the categorical distinction of human and animal[54]“, cultivating a richer understanding of the social construction of identity. In this digitally-mediated fandom, as Turkle wrote, people “remake the self […] become master of self-presentation and self-creation. The very notion of an inner, true self is called into question[55]”. These experiences of gender-swapping and species-swapping “explore non-normative expressions of the constructed cyber-self[56]”. As a socialist-leaning fandom-member we interviewed told us, the neo-Nazi and reactionary ideology endorsed by Altfurries is “not a stable position [… ] identity as a furry is general, nebulous, and undefined. We’re queer, we’re minorities, we non-binary […] the fandom provides a way to see how identity is a construct and so it can be broken down, building a community with a new structure of what it meant to be human”. But this immune response to White Supremacist red-pilling is not enough.

While fandoms usually are organized according to what Busse calls the geek hierarchy[57], the influence operations projected by the international alt-right abruptly brought them in the “age of the political fandom[58]”, in which a queer fandom must continually confront what Tuters calls a “dark fandom[59]”. The fandom logic that defined social cohesion and in-group identity, based on sub-cultural authenticity, is not enough when “new forms of online fascism are mobilizing under a fan culture banner[60]”. Intra-fandom membership is rooted in the real-fan/poser distinction[61], while conflicts are framed as ‘drama’ and calls for attention; if Altfurries were able to exploit this logic it’s because they’re legitimate fans, and as such they expect and demand inclusion. While Furry Raiders’ absolutist interpretation of free speech can still be considered a toxic fan-practice, the radicalization pathways that Altfurries’ offer to their recruits require a political logic to be understood.

Dead Kennedy’s Jello Biafra saying our blog-post title out loud.

Furry automated space luxury communism

Confronted with Altfurries’ strategic interest to frame the Fandom in isolation from larger social systems, the furry community reacted by mobilizing a political logic of antifascist resistance to the alt-right re-branding of white nationalism. There is no race fandom, only race politics. The furry online ecosystem fought coordinated hate campaigns and embodied shitpostings through a wide array of connective action strategies. On the fan-art platform Furaffinity the counter-symbol Tifa the Tiger was created, together with a whole series of combative logos reflecting the queerness and diversity of the fandom. Furry-specific media such as Dogpatch exposed the links between far-right terrorist networks and Altfurries. Fandom members infiltrated Altfurries’ Discord groups and leaked their content, revealing their propaganda model for gradual recruitment, and effectively countering their “hide power level” strategy. Disguised propaganda and high-level trolling rely on the tactical blurring of sources and intent, and its identification has “to rely on human judgment, as algorithms cannot adequately analyze cultural contexts of each post […] due to the ubiquity of social media platforms, such human judgment has to derive from users[62]”.

From Xu, Weiai Wayne. “Mapping Connective Actions in the Global Alt-Right and Antifa Counterpublics“.
The network shows a clear chasm between the Antifa and Alt-Right clusters which means only a handful of accounts retweeted across the ideological lines (bridges). Malicious actors can always bypass networked bridges to organize coordinated hate campaigns.

The decentralized structure of social media platforms makes it difficult to find and contest propaganda before it potentially reaches a wide audience. Thus to counter alt-right influence and radicalization tactics the Fandom used Twitter’s affordances to curate a participatory block-bot that automatically filtered out nazifur content reclaiming an inclusive online space. Interviewed by our team, Dogpatch’s main editor Patch O’Furr wrote: “all I can suggest is a need for action by social media platforms, and until that happens, organizing for action beyond social media”. Beyond technological solutionism, that Mozorov describes as the “idea that given the right code, algorithms can solve all of mankind’s problems[63]”. It is important to note how in digital environments “information can easily be dissociated from its primary sources, a process referred to as decontextualization, and accompanied with misappropriation, or willful obfuscation of its original meaning[64]”. The consequent context collapse[65], makes the construction of a set of indicators capable of detecting the semiotic complication deployed by troll-tactics an extremely volatile solution. As we have seen, far-right actors successfully exploited the windows of opportunity offered by the new media ecosystem, weaponizing infrastructural loopholes and socio-psychological weaknesses. Now that their tactics have been exposed, aware counter-publics can oppose malicious influence with dynamic, innovative and bold counter-creativity, that it to say through “the creation of a global multi-agent coalition against far-right campaigns in the digital space[66]“. If algorithms are embedded in multifaceted ecologies of social, cultural and political interaction, then ignoring this “complex assemblage of people, machines and procedures[67]” may result in the “obscuration of the agency of the people behind algorithms[68]”.

The Altfurry Twitter Blocklist[69] empowers users with crowdsourced support to moderate their boundaries, extending the affordances of Twitter to make the work of responding to harassment more efficient and more communal. Block-bots are “embedded in and emerge from counter-public communities and provide a concrete alternative to the default affordances of Twitter, showing a different version of a public: one where people have more agency to selectively tune out of harassment, without dropping out of public participation altogether[70]”. As we have seen, White Supremacist cells and terrorist networks exploited Furry Fandom’s vulnerable ecologies at every level, especially in the production of nazified fan-art. In our interview, Patch O’Furr continued: “then there’s forms of economic sanctions, causing bad PR so people lose customers and followers. The Twitter altfurry blocklist could deny access to artists besides protecting from harassment […] it really wrong-footed people on the blocklist by being pro-active”. When it comes to counter-tactics to detect, deter and deflect meme warfare and transnational neo-Nazi networks, community pro-activity is foundational, and the political microcosm represented by the Fandom shows how resistance is always possible. To cite Brecht, “art is not a mirror held up to reality, but a hammer with which to shape it[71]”. Hope not hate.

Stomp Fascism. Furry pawns with transgender, pansexual, bisexual and LGBT flags crossed by the Dreipfeile, the iconic three arrows used to counteract the swastika. As well as the pawstika.
All credits to antifafurs.

[1] Silverman, Ben Benjamin Luke Matanos. Fursonas: furries, community, and identity online. Diss. Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2020.

[2] Hsu, Kevin J., and J. Michael Bailey. “The “furry” phenomenon: Characterizing sexual orientation, sexual motivation, and erotic target identity inversions in male furries.” Archives of sexual behavior 48.5 (2019): 1356.

[3] Jeansonne, Sherry. “Breaking down Streotypes: A Look at the Performances of Self-Identify Within the Furry Community.” Graduate Council of Texas State University- San Marcos, Dec. 2012.

[4] “What’s a Furry?” FurScience, Accessed 14 Oct. 2020.

[5] “What’s a Furry?” FurScience, Accessed 14 Oct. 2020.

[6] “What’s a Furry?” FurScience, Accessed 14 Oct. 2020.

[7] Plante, Courtney N., et al. FurScience! A Summary of Five Years of Research from the International Anthropomorphic Research Project. p. 174.

[8] Plante, Courtney N., et al. FurScience! A Summary of Five Years of Research from the International Anthropomorphic Research Project. p. 180.

[9] Plante, Courtney N., et al. FurScience! A Summary of Five Years of Research from the International Anthropomorphic Research Project. p. 10.

[10] Roberts, S., Plante, C., Gerbasi, K., & Reysen, S. (2015). The Anthrozoomorphic Identity: Furry Fandom Members’ Connections to Non-human Animals. Anthrozoos, 28, 4, 533-548.



[13] Albertini, Dominique, and David Doucet. La Fachosphère. Comment l’extrême droite remporte la bataille d’Internet. Flammarion, 2016.

[14] Hermansson, Patrik, et al. The International Alt-right: Fascism for the 21st Century?. Routledge, 2020, p. 141.



[17] Nagle, Angela. Kill all normies: Online culture wars from 4chan and Tumblr to Trump and the alt-right. John Hunt Publishing, 2017, p. 29.

[18] Topinka, R.J., 2018. Politically incorrect participatory media: racist nationalism on r/ImGoingToHellForThis. New media & society, 20 (5), 2050–2069


[20] Von Behr, Ines, et al. “Radicalisation in the digital era: The use of the internet in 15 cases of terrorism and extremism.” (2013).

[21] Daniels, Jessie. “The algorithmic rise of the “alt-right”.” Contexts 17.1 (2018): 60-65.


[23] Lewis, Rebecca. “Alternative influence: Broadcasting the reactionary right on YouTube.” Data & Society 18 (2018).


[25] Reysen, S., et al. “It just clicked”: Discovering furry identity and motivations to participate in the fandom.” Furries among us 2 (2017): 111-128.

[26] Loadenthal, Michael, Samantha Hausserman, and Matthew Thierry. “Accelerating Hate: Atomwaffen Division, Contemporary Digital Fascism, and Insurrectionary Accelerationism.” In Cyber Hate: Examining the Functions and Impact of White Supremacy in Cyberspace, edited by Robin Maria Valeri and Kevin Borgeson. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books/Rowman & Littlefield, 2020.

[27] Plante, C. N., et al. “FurScience! A summary of five years of research from the International Anthropomorphic Research Project.” Furscience, Waterloo, Ontario (2016), p. 107.



[30] Gal, Noam, Zohar Kampf, and Limor Shifman. “SRSLY?? A typology of online ironic markers.” Information, Communication & Society (2020): 1-18.


[32] De Zeeuw, Daniël, and Marc Tuters. “Teh Internet is serious business: on the deep vernacular web and its discontents.” Public Culture 16.2 (2020): 214-232.

[33] Wilson, Jason. ‘Hiding in Plain Sight: How the “alt-Right” Is Weaponizing Irony to Spread Fascism’. The Guardian, 23 May 2017.,

[34] Lewis, Helen. ‘The Joke’s on Us’. The Atlantic. The Atlantic, Accessed 14 Oct. 2020.

[35] Phillips, Whitney, and Ryan M. Milner. ‘2. The Root of All Memes’. You Are Here, PubPub, 2020.,

[36] Parsons, Elaine Frantz. Ku-Klux: The Birth of the Klan during Reconstruction. UNC Press Books, 2015.

[37] Hess, Amanda, and Shane O’Neill. ‘Video: The Rise of the Ironic Racist’. The New York Times., Accessed 14 Oct. 2020.

[38] Hermansson, Patrik, et al. The International Alt-right: Fascism for the 21st Century?. Routledge, 2020, p. 214.



[41] Ganesh, Bharath. “Weaponizing white thymos: flows of rage in the online audiences of the alt-right.” Cultural Studies (2020): 1-33




[45] Loadenthal, Michael, Samantha Hausserman, and Matthew Thierry. “Accelerating Hate: Atomwaffen Division, Contemporary Digital Fascism, and Insurrectionary Accelerationism.” In Cyber Hate: Examining the Functions and Impact of White Supremacy in Cyberspace, edited by Robin Maria Valeri and Kevin Borgeson. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books/Rowman & Littlefield, 2020.




[49] See Casey Hoerth’s neo-nazi organizing call on Altfurry Discord,


[51] Silverman, Ben Benjamin Luke Matanos. Fursonas: furries, community, and identity online. Diss. Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2020.

[52] Hamilton, Rosa. “The Very Quintessence of Persecution: Queer Anti-fascism in 1970s Western Europe.” Radical History Review 2020.138 (2020): 60-81.


[54] Johnston, Jay. “On having a furry soul: Transpecies identity and ontological indeterminacy in Otherkin subcultures.” Animal Death (2013): 293-306.

[55] Turkle, Sherry. “Constructions and reconstructions of self in virtual reality: Playing in the MUDs.” Mind, Culture, and Activity 1.3 (1994): 158-167.

[56] Austin, Jessica R. Identity construction in the Furry fandom. Diss. Anglia Ruskin University, 2018.

[57] Busse, Kristina. “Geek hierarchies, boundary policing, and the gendering of the good fan.” Participations 10.1 (2013): 73-91.

[58] Dean, Jonathan. “Politicising fandom.” The British Journal of Politics and International Relations 19.2 (2017): 408-424.

[59] Tuters, Marc. “LARPing & Liberal Tears.” Post-Digital Cultures of the Far Right: Online Actions and Offline Consequences in Europe and the US 71 (2018): 37

[60] Proctor, William, and Bridget Kies. “On Toxic Fan Practices and the New Culture Wars.” Participations 15.1 (2018): 127-142.

[61] Stanfill, Mel. ““They’re Losers, but I Know Better”: Intra-Fandom Stereotyping and the Normalization of the Fan Subject.” Critical Studies in Media Communication 30.2 (2013): 117-134.

[62] Farkas, Johan, and Christina Neumayer. “Disguised propaganda from digital to social media.” Second international handbook of internet research (2020): 710.

[63] Morozov, Evgeny. To save everything, click here: The folly of technological solutionism. Public Affairs, 2013.

[64] Crosset, V., Tanner, S., & Campana, A. (2018). Researching far right groups on Twitter: Methodological challenges 2.0. New Media & Society,:

[65] Davis, Jenny L., and Nathan Jurgenson. “Context collapse: Theorizing context collusions and collisions.” Information, communication & society 17.4 (2014): 476-485.

[66] Ebner, Julia. “Counter-Creativity.” Post-Digital Cultures of the Far Right: Online Actions and Offline Consequences in Europe and the US 71 (2018): 169

[67] Gillespie, T. (2014) ‘The relevance of algorithms’ in T. Gillespie, P. J. Boczkowski, & K. Foot (eds.) Media technologies: Essays on communication, materiality, and society. Cambridge: MIT Press, pp. 190.

[68] Trere, Emiliano 2018. From digital activism to algorithmic resistance. In: Meikle, Graham ed. The Routledge Companion to Media and Activism, Routledge Media and Cultural Studies Companions, London and New York: Routledge, pp. 367-375.


[70] Geiger, R. Stuart. “Bot-based collective blocklists in Twitter: the counterpublic moderation of harassment in a networked public space.” Information, Communication & Society 19.6 (2016): 800-1.

[71] MacPhee, Josh, and Erik Reuland, eds. Realizing the impossible: Art against authority. AK Press, 2007, p. 4.

Leave a Reply